All alone are the Framer and the Shaper, Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent...

The prevailing consensus among those that currently study the Mississippian Era is that this was an isolated event, with no direct influence outside Hopewell or Late Woodland culture or the introduction of some concepts with maize and beans from the Southwest.

“In accordance with prevailing theories, our analysis has convinced us that the concept of a cult in the sense of a unified system of religious practice is no longer viable. And with it may be buried any notion of a Mesoamerican origin for the artifacts, styles, and probably even themes that are characteristic of the phenomenon. We have yet to find an artifact or style that can be established with reasonable certainty as an import from south of the border, so the economic conclusion is that they were all products of indigenous developments within a vigorous artistic tradition.  So, also, there is no reason to search far afield for the inspiration of the iconographies, themes, and ideologies manifested in these artifacts. Whatever resemblance there might be to Mesoamerican iconographies and themes might well be attributed to general underlying ideologies that had been shared by the family of North American Indians from time immemorial, and the expression of which took many different forms through time and space while often sounding many familiar chords." (Brain & Philips 1996)

Although these conclusions were made nearly thirty years ago, this position is still generally accepted. Jefferey Brain, the co-author of those conclusions, said recently, in response to some of the evidence presented here, that he actually does believe there was contact, but that it was "uncoordinated and of little impact". He went on to say that while iconographic comparison may be tempting, cherry-picking designs and motifs without consideration of contextual ideologies, chronology, or mechanisms of transmission are not likely to build much of a case.

“Coincidence, independent invention, even similar expressions of beliefs deeply held through millennia are more viable explanations. In other words, we need actual Mesoamerican artifacts in good Southeastern contexts and evidence of stylistic influence and other lifestyle changes. Otherwise, all we have are a hint of possible vague influences  -- tempting but not definitive” (Brain, Personal Communication 2019).  

Others may acknowledge the importance of the topic, but only make reference to the suggestion. Rarely do they present any of the ideas that have actually been explored on the subject, much less pursue it in their own research. As Richard Townsend put it in 2004:

"In this period, there are suggestive indications of contact with Gulf Coast peoples of Mesoamerica, but substantial archaeological proofs have proven elusive, and this major issue remains to be fully investigated" (Townsend 2004).

Most posit that the influx of new agricultural technology ( i.e. maize and bean) was most likely imported via the Southwest. The most significant weight given to this argument being that no archeological or physical remains (to date) of Mesoamerican origin have been found in association with Mississippian sites; and conversely, nothing (to date) of Mississippian origin has been found in Mesoamerica. There is the isolated case of a small piece of Mexican obsidian found at Spiro Mounds, but on its own, offers little evidence for significant interaction (Barker, Skinner, Shackley, Glascock, and Rogers, 2002).

With such limits in place, our potential for understanding this important time period has been severely restricted. It also ignores the long established history of tobacco, sunflower, calabash, and squash in the Western Hemisphere and how each was dispersed across two continents centuries prior to the period examined here. More importantly, it underestimates native people and the extent and complexity of their ancient interactions. 

The nail in the coffin for the study of the Southwest in isolation was the physical, archeological evidence of scarlet macaw remains and cacao residue on ceramic vessels (Crown & Hurst 2009). While Jeffery Brain is wrong about the absence of a widespread “cult” or religious movement and the "stylistic influence and other lifestyle changes," he and Richard Townsend are right about the ultimate proof. We need the physical evidence of “actual Mesoamerican artifacts in good Southeastern contexts''.

This would go in both directions of course, so any archeological evidence of Midwestern or Southeastern artifacts in Mesoamerica would also apply. This just reinforces the argument that more of those with knowledge of traditional native culture and those that study Mesoamerica, Northern Mexico, and the Southwest should be involved in the examination of the Mississippian Era. There is a deep connection here with the the art and myth of the Midwest and Southeast and numerous aspects of Mesoamerican maize mythology. We see and hear echoes of both the Maya people of the Gulf Coast and various people of central Mexico. 

Some scholars have proposed that the Mississippian cross or "Cross in Circle" represents the Sun, while others believe it represents the earth and the four directions. It may be that it represents more than a single idea or concept. However, if it is considered in light of its possible connections to the maize myths of Mesoamerica, the Maya Ka'n cross, and the Cross of Quetzalcoatl, there may be a way to glean some understanding of how it was used.  

A number of plains tribes used the same cross as a symbol for the Evening Star. The Maya also linked this cross to Venus and the Evening Star. This very same cross was a symbol associated with the Mayan rain god Chac, as well as God N or the "Old God", usually shown on the back of a turtle or conch shell. During the Post-Classic it was associated with Quetzalcoatl, or the Feathered Serpent, and the rain god Tlaloc of central Mexico. In the “rattlesnake” gorget shown earlier on this site, we see the cross on the earth or Mississippian Standard Jar and on the back of the feathered serpent’s neck. In Mississippian iconography, this cross is sometimes found on the front of a jar as shown above. 

The cross in circle motif is likely based on the original Maya K’an cross. It is found in association with the Feathered Serpent, the Mississippian incense or medicine bag, the eye in hand motif, the endless scroll, four birds, double birds; etc. It appears to be connected in some way with the primordial acts of creation.

Many North American maize myths involve the mysterious death or self-sacrifice of the First Mother (Mooney 1901, Swanton 1929, Tedlock 1996). She either dies voluntarily or her remains are brought back after her death. Her husband, First Father, mourns her loss and he and/or the Twins may travel to the otherworld to retrieve her remains or bring her back to life with their sacred arrows (Dorsey 1905, Beckworth 1938). In the process, they may die as well and/or lose their heads (Dorsey 1905, Radin 1948, Tedlock 1996). The themes of birth, death, and resurrection are woven throughout these myths. 

Some form of this story was likely communicated in association with the spread of maize and bean agriculture during the Mississippian Era. We find elements of this tale with peoples spread far and wide, including the Arapaho, Arikara, Assiniboine, Aztec, Blackfeet, Caddo, Cherokee, Cheyenne, Creek, Crow, Dakota, Gros Ventres, Hidatsa, Ho-Chunk, Hopi, Iowa, Kʼicheʼ Maya, Maliseet, Mandan, Mi'kmaq, Mixtec, Omaha, Otomi, Passamaquaddy, Seneca, Shoshone, Ute, and Wichita. Aspects of this story are also depicted in Maya art, especially ceramics. Robert Hall pointed out these similarities to the Ho-Chunk legend of Red Horn and his sons over thirty years ago (Hall 1989). The one unifying factor among all of these groups: Maize.

First Father is usually identified with thunder and/or lightning, as are his sons, the Twins. He is often characterized as a medicine man, with magical powers similar to those of his sons. All three are referred to as “Thunderers” in many stories. First Mother has aspects of young and old. The young Corn Maiden or old Grandmother. She is the provider and protector of the sacred seeds. She may even sacrifice her own body to be dragged across the earth to produce the first maize plants. In some stories, she leads the people to the middle world after creation (Will & Hyde 1917, Beckworth 1938) .  

Sometimes, the characteristics of the Twins are manifested in one child or “orphan”, with attributes that are more suggestive of the second twin (Swanton 1929). One twin is usually born normally, while the other is born of blood that had been thrown away in some fashion, usually connected with the mother. Sometimes he is connected with a spring or body of water. This second twin is wild, with a long nose or "tusk" that has to be cut off or worn away (Dorsey 1905, Beckworth 1938). 

Note the long noses on beings found across the Mississippian world, including those found on the Rosetta Gorget shown above. This also brings to mind the name Red Horn, as he and one of his sons both carried the name in some Ho-Chunk stories (Radin 1948). This twin is often characterized as a magician. He is able to shape shift and revive himself and others after death. In many versions, both twins are born of magic and can revive people from the dead. 

These are the same talents of the Maya Twins described in the Popol Vuh (Tedlock 1996) and those of Quetzalcoatl in Central Mexico. Tohil, a deity of the K'iche Maya, transforms from blood, much like the wild twin, also known as, Blood Clot or Throw Away. The wild twin in the Maya myth is most likely Xbalanque, as the spelling of his name may be associated with the feminine aspect of nature. Smoking Mirror, Tetzcatlepoca, and the Red Dwarf of Maya myth may represent the same idea in other parts of Mesoamerica. 

In some versions of the story, the son’s kill the mother, often at her request, and oppose the father. In the Natchez version, the mother is killed after she is lured out of the house by “strange creatures” (Swanton 1929). In the Caddo version, the mother is kidnapped and killed by ogres from the otherworld (Dorsey 1905). The Twins then travel to the otherworld, retrieve her bones, and bring her back to life. The three then return home and reunite with the Father (Dorsey 1905). 

In a Skidi myth, we are informed that Tirawa gave seeds of all kinds to Spider Woman, who lived under the earth, instructing her to grow crops and distribute them among people so that all might have access to the seeds. Another version says that the Sun and Moon had given the seeds to this old woman. For the Skidi, the Evening Star is the Chief power in the west. Four other stars represent the clouds, thunder, lightning, and the winds. Those four stars are supposedly sitting in the west, acting as priests. They are sitting there with a bag full of dried buffalo meat. They are also sitting “with a hill or corn stalks always green, and a place in front of them as the altar” (Murie 1914).    

The Cheyenne tell a similar tale about a sacred hill with a spring. Inside this hill, in a cave, lives an old woman. Two young men, dressed as twins, enter this cave where they see corn planted everywhere. The old woman then gives the two men corn seed to bring back for the people to plant (Dorsey 1905, Erdoes &Ortiz 1984).    

The Arikara have a creation tradition which says that a god (or goddess) had a garden where corn was growing, and it was from this garden that Mother Corn came to earth to help the people. Their traditions also say that after Mother Corn led the people into the Missouri River Valley, she turned herself into corn and thus provided seed for the people to plant. In one of the Arikara tales, the whirlwind becomes angry at Mother Corn and comes to attack the people. In preparation, they try to protect Mother Corn with a sacred cedar tree and a “black meteoric” stone. 

Despite this, Whirlwind is able to injure Mother Corn and in the process she throws out an ear of red corn, then yellow, then black, then white; the four sacred colors of the directions (Dorsey 1904). This is also what happens in some versions of the Maya myth, where four colors of maize are created, with the same directional colors, after Maize Mountain is struck by lightning and broken open (Bassie-Sweet 2000). It should be noted that many native people today refer to the stones used during the sweat lodge ceremony as "Grandfather".   

In the image on the right we see twin-like figures emerging from a cleft in the back or side of a horned rattlesnake. Rattlesnake tails also extend from the back of their shoulders. The twin on the right seems to be associated with rain and water. His tail is marked by water signs. A cross is on his belt and on the tail of a snake he holds in one hand. Based on the markings, this may be a coral snake.

The other twin appears to be associated with seed. You can see him scattering three seeds from one of his hands. His rattlesnake tail is marked with what may be a Mississippian motif for seeds. Both figures’ heads are capped with a five pointed headdress. They each hold a flint knife in one hand. The bundle that both have their hair tied in is almost exactly the style seen in some Mesoamerican art. 

The Twins, often led by the younger "wild" twin, disobey their father, mother or grandmother on numerous occasions. They travel to the places they warned them not to go. They fight various monsters, witches or animals and emerge victorious. Sometimes they are killed and must revive themselves before they return home (Mooney 1901, Dorsey 1905, Swanton 1929, Tedlock 1996).

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